Lost Monterey Japantown and The Democratic Way of Life for All

By Raymond Douglas Chong

(This is part of our ongoing series, Lost Kinjo- a look at the more than 40 Japanese communities that disappeared after World War II. It is supported by funding from the California Public Library Civil Liberties Project and the Takahashi Family Foundation.) 

On the Central California Coast near Monterey Bay, 389 Japanese Americans in 1940 lived in Monterey Japantown where they fished abalone, salmon, and sardine. They packed them at Cannery Row. They grew vegetables for truck farms in the Monterey Peninsula.

Today, the Japanese American Citizens League of Monterey Peninsula (JACL – MP) valiantly preserves the history, legacy, and artifacts of their Lost Monterey Japantown in the spirit of The Democratic Way of Life for All.

Monterey Japantown

From 1895 to 1942, Monterey Japantown was a vibrant hub for the Japanese American Issei (first generation) and Nisei (second generation), especially in the rich fisheries. The Japanese dominated the retail markets on Fishermen Wharf.

Dr. David T. Yamada of JACL – MP and past Monterey Peninsula College professor, wrote in 1995 The Japanese of the Monterey Peninsula: Their History & Legacy 1895-1995. He intimately told personal stories from seventy Issei and Nisei about their lives on the Monterey Peninsula. In nine detailed chapters, Dr. Yamada covered the Issei pioneers, their work on land and sea, the incarceration, community, the American Dream, and the Past & Future.

Tim Thomas, a fisheries historian with JACL – MP, wrote about the ancient photos that captured the diversity of the Japanese community, The Japanese on the Monterey Peninsula. He included the fishermen, farmers, and merchants. He highlighted the dominance of the Japanese in fishing abalone, sardine, and salmon. Monterey was widely known as the “Sardine Capital of the World.”

Tim Thomas, authored this essay about the Japanese American fishermen:

The Japanese Fishermen of Monterey

After the United States imposed the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882, the number of Japanese immigrants to the West Coast of the United States increased in large numbers. One of those immigrants was a man named Noda Otosaburo.

In 1896, Noda went to work for the Pacific Improvement Company (precursor of the Pebble Beach Company), which had recently purchased about eight thousand acres of the Monterey Peninsula. Noda was working as a labor contractor, bringing in other Japanese workers to help clear land and supplying food, water, and wood for fires for these work camps.

One day, while gathering wood near the Monterey Wharf, Noda noticed the incredible abundance of fish and abalone in the Monterey harbor, and nobody was utilizing this vast resource. Noda was so taken by what he saw that he wrote a letter to the Japanese Agriculture and Commerce Department describing this rich, untapped marine abundance. Almost immediately, abalone divers from the Chiba Prefecture of Japan and salmon fishers from the Waykamama Prefecture arrived. For the next twenty years, the Japanese dominated the fishing industries in Monterey Bay.

The Japanese fished for abalone, salmon, rockfish, and sardine. They also farmed strawberries, potatoes, corn, and artichokes and ran small businesses all around the Monterey Peninsula. But fishing ruled Monterey Bay, and initially, salmon was king. In August of 1909, at the end of the three-month salmon season, the Monterey Daily Cypress reported that there were 185 salmon boats fishing the bay; 145 were Japanese-owned! Catching an average of a million pounds of King Salmon! In that 1909 season, they caught one million five hundred thousand pounds, and in 1910, they caught over two million pounds of King Salmon. Most of all, those who caught salmon went to Europe, and 90% went to Germany.

Eventually, it was abalone, ruling the Monterey Bay and the Monterey Japanese community. In 1916, over 600,000 pounds of red abalone were unloaded at Monterey Wharf, and all headed for hotels and restaurants up and down the West Coast. In 1920, nine Japanese abalone companies were operating from the Monterey Wharf. By 1929, the California abalone industry was generating close to a million dollars in revenue, of which 75 percent came from Monterey Bay. Monterey had become the true abalone capital of the world.

Before World War II, most businesses on the Monterey Wharf were Japanese-owned, including fish markets and abalone processors. When the Monterey /California sardine fishery began to dominate the bay after 1915, Japanese sardine fishermen made up about 20% of those fishers. Many came from Southern California and lived on their boats during the season.

Monterey is the only place where the fishermen had one union, whereas, in Southern California or Northern California, all the ethnic groups had separate unions representing them. Monterey is a small town, and these fishermen all grew up together, went to school, and worked together. The real key is that they all played baseball together. It was common for those Japanese boys to learn some Italian before they spoke English, and those Scillian boys would learn some Japanese before they spoke English.

Monterey had its own Japantown, bounded by Alvarado, Adams, and Pearl Streets. The Monterey Japanese referred to this community as a “colony.”

Tsuneo Larry Oda, past national JACL President, wrote The Sea Pine Canning Company (spring 2000) for the Maritime Museum of Monterey.

Sea Pride announced its opening on December 17, 1925. “Sea Pride” was the name chosen for the cannery from the results of a contest initiated by Tsunetaro Oda to “Name the Cannery” in 1925.

The principals of Sea Pride were T. (Tsunetaro) Oda, K. (Kichitaro) Niino, J.N.
(Zenichiro) Oda, and H.C. (Harry) Suzukawa. The historical significance of this cannery lies in the fact that this was the first and only cannery to be completely Japanese owned. There were earlier canneries backed by Japanese investment, such as the very first on Ocean View Avenue, the Monterey Fishing and Canning Company (1902), the California Fisheries Company (1916), and the Great Western Sardine Company (1917). The common names that link these canneries are Pacific Rice Mills, Pacific Trading Company, Kichitaro Niino, and Tsunetaro Oda.

Since Oda and Niino were Japanese Nationals, they recruited a Nisei (first generation U.S. born) couple from San Francisco, Harry and Madge Suzukawa, to invest in the partnership by purchasing the property the cannery occupied. Many recorded transactions distinguish between the Sea Pride Canning Company and the Suzukawas as if they were two separate entities. One mortgage to guarantee the performance of the Suzukawas describes T. Oda and K. Niino as copartners of Sea Pride. Tsunetaro commissioned workers to make improvements on the cannery before 1920, so his involvement predates Sea Pride.

Sea Pride was sold to the Stewart and Irving partnership in September 1929. Irving sold it to The Atlantic Coast Fisheries Company on December 14, 1945. Atlantic Coast operated the cannery until the early 1950s.

The lives of the Japanese Americans on the Monterey Peninsula centered in downtown Monterey, where businesses and organizations thrived in an insular world. Many Japanese businesses flourished, such as fish suppliers, hotels, restaurants, grocery stores, general stores, dry cleaners, barber shops, and entertainment centers. They catered to the residents, fishermen, seasonal fishermen, farmers, and seasonal farmworkers, and visitors.in enclave.

R. Ono & Company, a general marine supply store, competed with Owashi Ship Chandlery & Grocery. Sunrise Brothers sold basic groceries and special holiday merchandise. Higashi Hotel and Kumamoto Ya served fishing crews, seasonal laborers, and visitors. Families feasted in the Canton Restaurant, Wakaba Japanese Restaurant & Bar, and Azuma Tei.

Since 1926, Christians worshipped at the Japanese Church of Christ (renamed El Estero Presbyterian in 1941).

The Japanese Association (Ninonjinaki) Hall (1926) (later renamed the JACL Hall in 1941)1 served as a center that bonded Japanese families with a wide variety of cultural programs, social services, and community events. Fellowship. The Buddhists held their services. The Japanese Language School (Nihon Gakko) teachers their students after school and on Saturdays.

Sports fellowship was wide with the most prominent Minato Athletic Club baseball, basketball, track, tennis, and football. Other clubs in fishing and bowling.

On January 25, 1932, Nisei organized the Monterey Peninsula Chapter of the Japanese American Citizens League for civil rights. They fought against discriminatory legislation and racial prejudice. They also protected the rights of the Issei.

Incarceration – Salinas Detention Center and Poston Concentration Camp

The War Relocation Authority (WRA) detained the Issei and Nisei (April 27 to July 4, 1942) at the Salinas detention center, Racetrack and Fair Grounds.

The WRA transferred them to Poston concentration camp in southwestern Arizona on the Colorado River Reservation in Yuma County in the Sonoran Desert near the Colorado River. The prisoners faced hot and humid summers and cold winter nights in the barren and desolate land. They experienced high winds and dust storms. They were imprisoned until November 28, 1945.

 
Resettlement – The Democratic Way of Life for All

In re Mitsuye Endo 323 U.S. 283 (1944), the United States Supreme Court unanimously ruled that the federal government could not indefinitely confine American citizens of Japanese ancestry who were “concededly loyal” to the WRA concentration camps. The War Department issued Public Proclamation 21 that lifted the exclusion of Japanese Americans from the West Coast. Beginning on January 2, 1945, the Japanese Americans resettled.

The resettlement was difficult for the returning Japanese Americans as they integrated into American society and the labor force. The Issei and Nisei families had lost their wealth during the incarceration in capital, properties, and businesses. They endured a climate of terrorism. They faced blatant discrimination and harassment. They lacked housing and employment opportunities. White growers, White fishers, and government officials fervently opposed their resettlement.

But on the Monterey Peninsula, in a rare gesture, anywhere on the West Coast, the White residents openly welcomed the resettled Japanese Americans. Despite the ugly spectacle of systematic resistance in other communities on the West Coast, they heralded their return with kindness and civility. In the face of racist bigotry, they were greeted with courage and compassion.

On May 11, 1945, in the Monterey Herald newspaper, the “The Monterey Petition” in “The Democratic Way of Life for All” advertisement supported the resettlement of concentration camp prisoners. Toni Jackson, editor for John Steinbeck, the acclaimed novelist, wrote the petition and women activists campaigned for it. The White residents welcomed them home.

We, the undersigned, then believe that it is the privilege and responsibility of this community to cooperate with the National Government by insuring THE DEMOCRACY OF LIFE TO ALL MEMBERS OF THE COMMUNITY.

In August 2013, Tim Thomas, discovered the original “The Monterey Petition,” among the dusty archives at the JACL Hall. More than 440 White residents signed it. John Steinbeck and Ed Rickets signed it.

John Steinbeck was an American novelist who won the Nobel Prize in Literature (1962). By 1945, his numerous works included Of Mice and Men (1937), The Grapes of Wrath (1939), and Cannery Row (1945). He received the Pulitzer Prize for Fiction (1940) for The Grapes of Wrath. Ed Ricketts, an American marine biologist, ecologist, and philosopher greatly influenced Steinbeck writings.

Inspired by the original “The Monterey Petition,” JACL-MP produced a documentary about it. Enduring Democracy: The Monterey Petition tells the forgotten story of the courage and compassion by Monterey White residents to welcome home the Japanese Americans from the concentration camps, despite the prevailing anti-Japanese sentiment.

Amanda Gaffney and Christian Rota interviewed Tim Thomas and Larry Oda about “The Monterey Welcome: Return of the Japanese American Incarcerees.” (Gaffney, Amanda; Rota, Christian; and Khalsa, Sat Kartar, “The Monterey Welcome (Episode 9)” (2021). OtterPod).

Amanda Gaffney: On April 23, 1945, an organization named The Monterey Bay Council on Japanese Relations published an anonymous article in the Monterey Peninsula Herald under the headline: “Organization to Discourage Return of Japanese to the Pacific Coast.”

Christian Rota: The organization’s stated purposes were to “conduct . . . an education program regarding the background, history . . . and future disposition of Japanese in the United States of America.” Their goal was to stop the Japanese from returning to the Pacific Coast and encourage the establishment of strict legislation designed to restrict and discourage them.

Amanda: But what was the motivation behind Salinas’ decision to discourage the Japanese from returning home? Here are Tim and Larry to explain.

Tim Thomas: Really it’s about land. That’s really what it was all about.

Larry Oda: Salinas was known as the Salad Bowl of the world. For the amount of lettuce and other green vegetables that were grown there. And the fact is that, over half of the crop was grown by Japanese farmers, who only had, I think 40% of the land. So, they were very productive and the other farmers in the Salinas Valley saw that, you know, here all the vegetables were coming out of these little farms. Their farms were much larger, but they couldn’t produce that number of crop, I guess. So, in my mind they were jealous. And they thought that, well, you know if we can get that land, we can be the ones growing the most crops. They saw the opportunity to seize that land, you know, when the Japanese were taken away.

Amanda: Where Salinas was openly hostile when it came to the Japanese returning home, Monterey reacted in a much different way. Just two days after the anti-ad was published, the Herald began receiving letters to the editor from readers who objected to the ideas put forward by this organization. Several letters were published in the days that followed. One of these letters from April 26, 1945, quoted officials that acknowledged the mixed motives of the anti-Japanese movements in California. Austin E. Anson, a lobbyist for a shipper-grower association, is quoted as saying. “We’re charged with getting rid of the Japs for selfish reasons.” and the Chairman of the Board of Supervisors of Santa Barbara Country is quoted as saying, “We don’t want to see the time return when we have to compete with the Japs again in this valley.” Given this anti-Japanese sentiment, those writing in to the editor to object also felt the need to take it further.

Tim: Monterey is very unique; this is the only place we know of on the West Coast where this happened. Where there was a real output to try to welcome the Japanese community home. This was done mainly by women; it was a small group of women led by a woman named Toni Jackson. Toni was a pretty political person; she was very progressive and when this organization from Salinas sent out this notice in the local newspaper, that they were trying to stop the Japanese from returning home to the West Coast. She was so incensed that they created this group, again, mostly women, where they went around the Monterey Peninsula gathering signatures to welcome the Japanese community home. Guaranteeing their full Democratic Rights as American Citizens and they gathered close to 600 signatures. But what gets me is the people, you don’t… the names you don’t recognize. The, you know, the working-class people who took a lot of chances in some cases, to sign that petition. Especially in 1945.

Christian: Signing the petition was a dangerous risk to take. The people who put
their names on that list risked drawing the attention of the anti-Japanese members of the community. If someone like your boss didn’t support the Japanese return and saw your name on there, you were at risk of losing your job. Signing meant potentially jeopardizing both your financial security and reputation.

Amanda: Apart from putting their reputations on the line, our guests shared stories of the participants who signed taking other steps to actively support the Japanese return. This included helping them get new jobs or getting their jobs back. More support came from the Japanese community itself. Many stayed at the JACL until they could find new working and living arrangements, for example. Our guests shared these stories, about how the community was involved beyond the petition, with us. Tim and Larry talked with us about what made Monterey such a uniquely welcoming community.

Tim: It’s a small community, that’s a big part of it. In Monterey it was fishing, not farming, and everybody was affected by the fishing industry one way or another. Everybody worked in it, one way or another. And they all, these guys, these Japanese boys, these Italian boys, they all grew up together, they all went to school together, they all played together and so they all knew each other, They relied on each other in a lot of ways. The Canaries in particular really relied on the Japanese help, working in the canaries or the big demand for Sardines during the war years and after the war. They really wanted those workers to come back to work in those canaries. And there was some resistance, there were letters that were written to The Herald that they were coming back to work in there. But all about the economics, really; I mean, they were
bringing in money. So, they were welcome back.

Amanda: We can see the demand for workers reflected in the “Help Wanted” ads
published in the local paper, as well. One ad appeals to the reader’s patriotism, noting that if workers don’t participate in the industry the soldiers won’t have any fish to eat.

Christian: Now Monterey wasn’t the only fishing community in California and if it was just the Japanese presence in the industry then surely, we would have seen
a similar welcome from other places. But what made Monterey so different was their unique union structure.

Tim: In the fishing world, Monterey at that time is the only place that I know of
where the fishermen actually had one Union. So, other parts of California, all the ethnic groups had separate Unions; Monterey they had one, and that’s primarily because, as I mentioned, this was a small town. The guys all knew each other. They all played [and] went to school together. It wasn’t uncommon for the Japanese boys, when they were growing up, to first learn to speak some Italian before you learn to speak English. …and those Italian boys who first learn some Japanese before they learn to speak English. That was pretty common. I don’t know [any other] place in California where that happened, but here.

Christian: So, unlike many other places around California, the people of Monterey really interacted with and worked alongside the Japanese as fellow community members. It was a really good example of the American melting pot in action. But there was actually one other thing that brought the community together. The classic American pastime of baseball.

Christian: Signing the petition was a dangerous risk to take. The people who put
their names on that list risked drawing the attention of the anti-Japanese members of the community. If someone like your boss didn’t support the Japanese return and saw your name on there, you were at risk of losing your job. Signing meant potentially jeopardizing both your financial security and reputation.

Amanda: Apart from putting their reputations on the line, our guests shared stories of the participants who signed taking other steps to actively support the Japanese return. This included helping them get new jobs or getting their jobs back. More support came from the Japanese community itself. Many stayed at the JACL until they could find new working and living arrangements, for example. Our guests shared these stories, about how the community was involved beyond the petition, with us. Tim and Larry talked with us about what made Monterey such a uniquely welcoming community.

Tim: It’s a small community, that’s a big part of it. In Monterey it was fishing, not farming, and everybody was affected by the fishing industry one way or another. Everybody worked in it, one way or another. And they all, these guys, these Japanese boys, these Italian boys, they all grew up together, they all went to school together, they all played together and so they all knew each other, They relied on each other in a lot of ways. The Canaries in particular really relied on the Japanese help, working in the canaries or the big demand for Sardines during the war years and after the war. They really wanted those workers to come back to work in those canaries. And there was some resistance, there were letters that were written to The Herald that they were coming back to work in there. But all about the economics, really; I mean, they were
bringing in money. So, they were welcome back.

Amanda: We can see the demand for workers reflected in the “Help Wanted” ads
published in the local paper, as well. One ad appeals to the reader’s patriotism, noting that if workers don’t participate in the industry the soldiers won’t have any fish to eat.

Christian: Now Monterey wasn’t the only fishing community in California and if it was just the Japanese presence in the industry then surely, we would have seen
a similar welcome from other places. But what made Monterey so different was their unique union structure.

Tim: In the fishing world, Monterey at that time is the only place that I know of
where the fishermen actually had one Union. So, other parts of California, all the ethnic groups had separate Unions; Monterey they had one, and that’s primarily because, as I mentioned, this was a small town. The guys all knew each other. They all played [and] went to school together. It wasn’t uncommon for the Japanese boys, when they were growing up, to first learn to speak some Italian before you learn to speak English. …and those Italian boys who first learn some Japanese before they learn to speak English. That was pretty common. I don’t know [any other] place in California where that happened, but here.

Christian: So, unlike many other places around Cal fornia, the people of Monterey really interacted with and worked alongside the Japanese as fellow community members. It was a really good example of the American melting pot in action. But there was actually one other thing that brought the community together. The classic American pastime of baseball.
.

California Alien Fish Law and Torao Takahashi

Under 1790 federal law, Congress denied American citizenship for the Issei. After their illegal imprisonment in the concentration camps in the American West and Deep South, the White establishment continued its anti-Japanese sentiment. In 1943, the California state legislature amended its Fish and Game Law to bar all “Japanese aliens,” the Issei pioneers, from being granted state fishing licenses

In the test case, Takahashi v. Fish and Game Commission, Torao Takahashi, a commercial fisherman, challenged the racist law. An Issei from Gunma Prefecture of Imperial Japan, Takahashi arrived in America in 1908. From 1915 to 1942, he commercially fished tuna off the waters near Terminal Island Japantown of San Pedro. He skippered the tuna boat with an annual commercial fishing license.

After his resettlement from the Manzanar concentration camp, the California Fish and Game Commission denied issuing a commercial fishing license to him. Takahsahi had no viable occupation as fisherman

In the class action suit with JACL and ACLU (American Civil Liberties Union), Takahashi lost appeals with the Los Angeles Superior Court and California Supreme Court.

The Takahashi v. California Fish and Game Commission, United States Supreme Court upheld the constitutional right of a Japanese immigrant in California to receive a commercial fishing license.

Prior to 1943 California issued commercial fishing licenses to all qualified persons without regard to alienage or ineligibility to citizenship. From 1915 to 1942 Takahashi, under annual commercial fishing licenses issued by the State, fished in ocean waters off the California coast, apparently both within and without the three-mile coastal belt, and brought his fresh fish ashore for sale.

In his amended petition, Takahashi alleges that since 1915, and until 1941, he was a duly licensed commercial fisherman, engaging in that occupation on the high seas. He was evacuated from California by military order in 1942. Upon his return to California in 1945, the petitioner asserts, he qualified to obtain a fishing license within all of the requirements of the California Fish and Game Code ‘except only that he is a person of Japanese descent.’ The commission then refused to issue a license to him ‘solely because of his Japanese ancestry,’ and ‘solely because of the provisions of Section 990 of the Fish and Game Code.

After he got his new commercial fishing license, Takahashi proudly fished tuna in the waters of the Pacific Ocean until he died in 1953, despite the vanished Terminal Island Japantown.

 
The American Dream

Dr. David T. Yamada covered the pursuit of the American Dream by seven Japanese American families after their resettlement in Chapter 8, the American Dream, The Japanese of the Monterey Peninsula. Their experiences in the concentration camps shattered the myth of the American Dream, but they persisted in the Monterey Peninsula.

• Royal Manaka, fisherman and landscaper (Hiro, wife), said, “Other national kids … didn’t want to do anything with us. And that sort of left a scar in, you know, my life. Even today … my American Dream is to be treated like an American, not because I have an oriental face, but as an American.”
• Goro, a Defense Language Institute professor, and Hedy Yamato shared their American Dream. “As Goro recalls of his parents, “The highest point that they have emphasized is education.” To this, Hedy adds: “Well, to get married, to have children, and watch them grow up and on to school, and to be able to go on with your life and see them attain the goals that they strive for – to me that is the American Dream.”
• Edith Ichiuji, nurse (Mickey, husband), described her American Dream, “Well, to me, the American Dream is to do the best you can and accomplish whatever you want to. There is no such thing as “you can’t do it.” And you have the opportunity to do it just as much as anybody else. And so, there’s only one way to find out, and that is by whether you can do it or not.”
• Mollie Sumida (Yukio, husband), Cypress Garden Nursery, happily stated: “I would say it’s worked. It’s more than worked for us,”
• Kay Tanaka, housewife, (Frank, husband) reflected, “Frank and I just pulled together and said, hey, we weren’t able to get educated, but we do not hold it against our parents. We thought our parents did they best they can for our kids … We would have loved to have been educated, but since weren’t, let’s do our best. We’ll sacrifice on our side and put our kids through school.”
• • Kei Nakamura, entrepreneur (Sumi, wife) said, “You work, that’s the American Dream; you make money, you own a home, you have a happy life, that’s all the American Dream.”
• Mary Lou, the wife of Dr. Tak Hattori, eloquently summed “I came to respect his family very much and the whole Japanese community after I learned what they all went through during the war and how they all came back and started over again, and seemed to, you know, pass it off and go on with their lives. I think that was a great achievement.”

Dr. Yamada ended The American Dream chapter by writing:

The point of singular purpose about this collective portrait is the Nisei relationship to the American Dream. Above all else, it is a story about dreams acquired, dreams shattered, dreams repaired, dreams fulfilled – all to keep the dream alive for their Sansei children. This may be the most important legacy of the Nisei on the Monterey Peninsula.

Lost Monterey Japantown Today

On the streets of Monterey, four markers eerily note the vestiges of the pioneer Japanese American community and its Japantown: The Japanese Community – Historic Cannery Row, Early Canning Processes – Historic Cannery Row, and The Del Mar Canning Company, 1927-1947 – Historic Cannery Row, and The Cannery Row Monument.

Today, only two remnants of the Lost Monterey Japantown are JACL – MP Hall and the El Estero Presbyterian Church.

El Estero Presbyterian Church serves a multicultural and multigenerational community through worship services and Christian education.

Since 1948, the Monterey Peninsula Buddhist Temple in Seaside offers a variety of services and activities for the Buddhist community, including the annua Obon Festival.

The JACL-MP founded its Heritage Museum (2008). with “The mission of the JACL Heritage Museum is to collect, maintain and preserve the Japanese cultural legacy of the Monterey Peninsula.” It houses artifacts, images, and documents about the Japanese Americans of Monterey Japantown.

Close

For the Lost Monterey Japantown, The Japanese American Citizens League of Monterey Peninsula honors the Japanese Americans’ past resilience through their THE JAPANESE OF THE MONTEREY PENINSULA – Their History & Legacy 1895-1995 book, the Heritage Museum, THE JAPANESE ON THE MONTEREY PENINSULA book, and the Enduring Democracy: The Monterey Petition documentary. JACL – MP perpetuates “The Democracy Way of Life for All” on the Monterey Peninsula today.

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